Besides Minnesota and Ohio, the same thing has been happening in Maine, ruining the state in just a few years. Importing fake refugees costs states targeted by this strategy a fortune while completely undermining the political will of their citizens. The invasion of Maine may appear small to outsiders, but the population of Maine is a mere 1.3 million, so per capita it is as bad or worse than Minnesota. ABN
Starmer’s government has set the most dangerous of precedents: it can now outlaw any political group it chooses as a terrorist organisation – and thereby make it impossible to defend it
The moment the British government began proscribing political movements as terrorist organisations, rather than just militant groups, it was inevitable that saying factual things, making truthful statements, would become a crime.
And lo behold, here we are.
The Terrorism Act 2000 has a series of provisions that make it difficult to voice or show any kind of support for an organisation proscribed under the legislation, whether it is writing an article or wearing a T-shirt.
Recent attention has focused on Section 13, which is being used to hound thousands of mostly elderly people who have held signs saying: “I oppose genocide, I support Palestine Action.” They now face a terrorism conviction and up to six months in jail.
But an amendment introduced in 2019 to Section 12 of the Act has been largely overlooked, even though it is even more repressive. It makes it a terrorism offence for a person to express “an opinion or belief that is supportive of a proscribed organisation” and in doing so be “reckless” about whether anyone else might be “encouraged to support” the organisation.
It is hard to believe this clause was not inserted specifically to target the watchdog professions: journalists, human rights groups and lawyers. They now face up to 14 years in jail for contravening this provision.
US military officials are growing increasingly concerned about China‘s expeditions in the Arctic after the country’s research submarines traversed thousands of feet beneath the ice for the first time over the summer.
Such expeditions could yield valuable data about the natural resources underneath the melting ice caps, significantly reduce travel time for commercial shipping and position nuclear-armed submarines closer to potential targets – including the US, national security officials told the Wall Street Journal.
Chinese vessels on research missions are also often used to give cover to the military, noted US Air Force Gen. Alexus Grynkewich, the top military leader for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
The deep-sea submersible Jiaolong is seen diving in the Arctic Ocean on August 6
China’s Foreign Ministry, though, has insisted that its activities in the Arctic are reasonable and lawful, ‘contributing to the maintenance and promotion of peace, stability and sustainable development in the region.’
The US Marine Corps has tested a groundbreaking long-range strike system for its attack helicopters just days after President Donald Trump issued a WWIII warning.
Over the Atlantic Test Range, the Marines launched the cutting-edge Red Wolf weapon from an AH-1Z Viper helicopter, striking a sea-based target with pinpoint precision.
Developed by L3Harris, Red Wolf is a modular, high-subsonic missile that can relay targeting data and engage distant targets, giving helicopters capabilities once reserved for much larger platforms.
Over the Atlantic Test Range, the Marines launched the cutting-edge Red Wolf weapon from an AH-1Z Viper helicopter, striking a sea-based target with pinpoint precision
Current helicopter-fired weapons, like the AGM-114 Hellfire and the Joint Air-to-Ground Missile–Medium Range, are limited to roughly 21 miles and 10 miles, respectively, while Red Wolf can reach approximately 230 miles at low altitudes.
The successful test marks a major leap forward in the Marine Corps’ Long Range Attack Missile (LRAM) program, demonstrating a next-generation system that dramatically extends helicopter strike range.
In a potential Pacific conflict, the system could temporarily disrupt a warship’s sensors, opening a window for follow-on strikes by larger weapons such as the Long-Range Anti-Ship Missile or the Joint Strike Missile.
The article by Ron Unz delves into the interconnectedness of significant historical events, particularly focusing on World War II and the Bolshevik Revolution. Unz posits that mainstream historians often fail to connect crucial dots in historical narratives, leading to an incomplete understanding of these events. He presents a case connecting Joseph Goebbels’ personal crisis stemming from an affair to the instigation of Kristallnacht, which subsequently influenced British policy and ultimately contributed to the outbreak of World War II. This narrative emphasizes how personal and political crises can have far-reaching implications, suggesting that a more nuanced understanding of history requires acknowledging the interplay of personal motivations and larger political frameworks.
Unz continues to explore the assassination of Grigory Rasputin and its role in the Bolshevik Revolution. He critiques traditional historiography for portraying Rasputin as merely a sinister figure without recognizing his significant political influence and the consequences of his death. Historian Sean McMeekin’s analysis highlights that Rasputin was a pivotal figure whose murder destabilized the Czarist regime, contributing to its downfall during the February Revolution of 1917. This analysis suggests that historians have often overlooked the chain of events linking Rasputin’s death to the rise of the Bolsheviks, indicating a need for more comprehensive historical narratives that consider less obvious influences on major political upheavals.
The article also discusses the “Lost Peace of 1916,” where Germany attempted to negotiate a peace settlement during World War I, which was rejected by the Allies. Unz argues that accepting this proposal could have drastically altered the course of history, preventing further loss of life and possibly averting the rise of the Nazis and the subsequent disasters of World War II. He underscores the failure of historians to incorporate this critical moment into wider historical narratives, emphasizing that the refusal of the Allies to consider peace negotiations contributed to the conditions that ultimately led to the Second World War and the punitive Treaty of Versailles, which set the stage for future conflict.
Lastly, Unz examines the Katyn Forest Massacre and its implications during World War II, particularly in relation to the Holocaust. He suggests that the Soviet regime’s involvement in the massacre and the subsequent cover-up reflect a broader pattern of historical narratives that often overlook or misrepresent the complexities of wartime atrocities. The juxtaposition of the timing of the Katyn propaganda campaign and the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising raises questions about the strategic motivations behind these events. Unz posits that the Holocaust’s prominence in historical memory may overshadow other significant atrocities, such as the Katyn Massacre, and argues for a more inclusive approach to understanding the multifaceted nature of historical events, emphasizing that the narratives we construct can significantly influence public perception and memory.
In reading all these different accounts of the international controversy following the discovery of the mass graves at Katyn, I noticed something that none of the authors had highlighted.
Massacres have hardly been unknown during brutal wars and the Soviet government had become especially notorious in that regard. Prisoners captured in battle have sometimes been slaughtered soon afterward.
But no other example in modern history came to my mind in which sizable numbers of captured POWs who had already been held for many months in prison camps were then taken out and summarily executed, each of them individually shot in the back of the head.
When we consider that the dead numbered more than 20,000 and that they constituted the military and civilian elite of Polish society, the Katyn Forrest Massacre must surely have been regarded as the most appalling European war-crime of the last several centuries. Indeed, by some measures this methodical, cold-blooded execution of so many POWs might rank as one of the worst such atrocities in all of recorded history.
Moreover, by the time the facts became known in 1943, the government of the killers and that of their victims had become less than comfortable military allies in the war against Nazi Germany.
On April 13th, German radio began promoting the appalling story, and it soon became their most successful wartime propaganda project. If the hundreds of thousands of Polish troops serving in Allied armies or the millions of Polish-American voters had become fully aware and convinced of those true facts, the entire course of World War II might have followed a very different trajectory…
American Buddhist Net 